This week, I was in Sokoto participating in a workshop organized by WRAPPA to enhance the capacity of women journalists in promoting more effective participation of women in Nigeria’s democratic processes. The event drew participants from Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Zamfara states. The Sultan of Sokoto, who was represented by the District Head of Gagi, Alhaji Sani Umar Jaɓɓi, called for an end to the marginalization of women in the nation’s affairs. He highlighted the significant role played by Nana Asma’u, Dan Fodio’s daughter, during the early phase of the development of the Caliphate as an example to emulate.
Women constitute at least half of Nigeria’s population and, by sheer numbers alone, should have a commensurate presence in governance. However, their political participation remains disproportionately low. Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, the debate surrounding women’s underrepresentation in electoral contests and appointive positions has gained traction. Civil society groups, women’s organizations, and academic voices have all called for structural reforms and policy interventions to enhance women’s roles in political life. Policies such as the National Gender Policy and initiatives by successive governments have aimed to bridge this gap, but the impact has been minimal, and the road to equity remains long and uncertain. Currently, in the 10th Assembly, female lawmakers occupy only 4 of the 109 Senate seats (2.7%) and 16 of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives (4.7%), bringing total female representation in the 469-member Assembly to just 4.2%.
One of the key sectors that can influence this gap, either positively or negatively, is the media. The media wields immense power in shaping public discourse, perceptions of leadership, and the visibility of female political actors. It can either reinforce existing stereotypes or challenge them, depending on how women are portrayed and whose voices are amplified. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, media narratives often marginalize or trivialize female political aspirants, limiting their legitimacy in the eyes of the public, thereby closing rather than opening doors. The media should be a catalyst for the forces that promote female political participation.
The female politician in Nigeria is a major victim of the lack of civility in the political process. She suffers from various forms of marginalization, many of which are hurtful and filled with invectives. Generally, party officials refuse to take the candidacy of female aspirants seriously. Ironically, one of their main reasons is the affirmative action policy adopted by some parties that waives nomination fees for female aspirants. Party executives in most constituencies set out to label women as aspirants with less than the required commitment to the party. Party barons at the local level repeatedly argue that by convincing the national executives to remove nomination fees, women have demonstrated a lack of commitment to the development of the party. This argument has been used to justify claims that male candidates are more committed because they make financial contributions willingly—commitment that should be recognized and rewarded. Such officials have succeeded in labeling women aspirants as “anti-party” individuals, thereby creating the basis for their exclusion.
It is worthwhile recalling Geof Wood’s analysis on the role of labeling in eliminating competitors:
Once a negative label has been successfully imposed on an aspirant, it becomes easy to exclude the labeled person irrespective of the formal rules and procedures, because the person’s legitimacy has been eroded.
A second negative labeling strategy used to exclude women aspirants is the “cultural deviant” label. The argument is presented in a way that suggests Nigerian culture does not accept assertive or public leadership roles for women. The 1979 Constitution was the first to introduce the concept of indigeneity into Nigerian public law as an equity principle to guarantee fair regional distribution of power. Over the years, this principle has been subverted and used to discriminate against Nigerian citizens who are not indigenes of the places where they live and work. Women married to men who are non-indigenes suffer systematic discrimination. While women suffer greatly from the wide repertoire of techniques used to eliminate people from political party primaries, less powerful men also suffer.
The National Gender Policy (NGP) of 2007 aims to achieve a just society devoid of discrimination and to harness the full potential of all social groups regardless of sex or circumstance. The objectives of the policy are to establish a framework for gender responsiveness in all public and private spheres and to strengthen the capacities of all stakeholders to deliver their component mandates under the gender policy using the national gender strategic framework. Specifically, the policy targets adopting special measures, quotas, and mechanisms for achieving a minimum critical threshold of women in political offices, party organs, and public life by pursuing 35 percent affirmative action in favor of women. This was to bridge the gender gaps in political representation in both elective and appointive posts at all levels by 2015. As is the case with many policies in Nigeria, the real intention seems to have been to present hope that would later be dashed, as no progress has been made in implementing it.
The most effective way to implement the policy is through legally binding quota systems, which successive governments have refused to enact. Instead, they claim that a quota system is undemocratic and constitutes tokenism that does not address the underlying causes of discrimination. Moreover, they argue that guaranteeing 35 percent of elective and appointive positions to women by quota would diminish the democratic credentials of elections and competence in public institutions.
In 2022, women’s groups from within and outside the National Assembly mobilized and proposed several Bills that could use constitutional mechanisms to leapfrog the challenges facing the low participation of women in the political process. Many of these proposals were inspired by recommendations from the Justice Uwais-led Electoral Reform Committee. They sought to promote more opportunities for women in political parties, governance, and society at large. All these Bills were rejected by “Distinguished” Senators and “Honourable” Members of the National Assembly, demonstrating their contempt and lack of regard for Nigerian women.
One of the Bills sought to allocate 35 percent of appointed political positions—such as ministers, commissioners, and board memberships—to women. This would have given meaning to the 20-year-old Nigerian Gender Policy that enunciated this 35% allocation. Nigerian men were ready to accept the policy as a theoretical right that had never been implemented. Precisely for this reason, the Bill sought to give teeth to the policy so it could be implemented—and they threw it out.
Another Bill sought to create special seats for women in the National and State Assemblies. This was proposed because the men who are gatekeepers in political parties have almost always blocked women seeking nominations to contest for executive and parliamentary seats. The reserved seats would have circumvented this problem, but it is now crystal clear that these men simply do not want women to have access to decision-making rooms and chambers in the country.
Given the history of male gatekeepers within political parties regularly blocking female aspirants, another Bill proposed applying the 35% gender policy to the appointment of women into party administration and leadership. This, too, was thrown out.
Yet another rejected Bill sought to address the problems of marginalization faced by women married to men from states in which they are not indigenes. The proposal was that such women should automatically enjoy the indigeneity rights of their husband’s states. This, too, was rejected.
My feeling was that the cavalier and arrogant manner in which the National Assembly threw out these Bills clearly shows that they do not want progress for Nigeria. Their sole interest lies in enhancing the power of Nigerian men. This is unacceptable. Female advocates, working with interested Nigerian men, must come out and demand that all five gender Bills be reconsidered and passed before the 2027 elections.
Inclusiveness for women will benefit not just women, but Nigeria as a whole. More women in governance will bring progress and respect for Nigeria in the committee of nations. More importantly, by ensuring that Nigerian women fully enjoy the rights the Constitution guarantees to all citizens, we deepen our democracy and enhance respect and consideration for half of our population. It would simply make all of us better human beings.
